Category: Drug Law Reform

  • A Plague of Prisons: Ernest Drucker with a Lesson for Canada

    A Plague of Prisons: Ernest Drucker with a Lesson for Canada

    On April 9, the Canadian Drug Policy Coalition along with End Prohibition, PIVOT Legal Society, the Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users (VANDU) and Western Aboriginal Harm Reduction Society will host free public event featuring author and professor, Ernest Drucker.

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    Ernest Drucker

    The event will begin at 7pm at Pivot Legal Society’s offices, 121 Heatley Street in Vancouver.

    Author of Plague of Prisons: The Epidemiology of Mass Incarceration in America, Earnest will be speaking about the war on drugs in the USA and the potential consequences of the Canadian Conservative government’s new crime legislation.

    To get you warmed up, below is a segment of a book review written by Craig Jones, PhD, Former Executive Director, John Howard Society of Canada previous to the passing of the Omnibus Crime Bill C10.


    Every student of epidemiology learns the story of the Broad Street pump (London, Summer 1854), which marks the birth of epidemiology. In A Plague of Prisons, Ernest Drucker uses that story as a metaphor to explain the explosion of incarceration in the United States that followed the 1973 enactment of the Rockefeller drug laws and to illustrate how political decisions act as vectors – pumps – and how these vectors can create a social epidemic of gargantuan proportions, such as the United States coming to incarcerate 1 out of every 4 incarcerated persons in the world.

    Drucker’s book can be read in three ways: as an undergraduate introduction to the explanatory power of social epidemiology; as a non-technical analysis of how the United States achieved its historically unprecedented rate of incarceration; and as a warning to Canadians on the propensity of criminalization of non-violent drug users to become a contagion with multi-generational consequences. The book’s timing is apt: Canadians are enacting the political mistakes that produced the plague of prisons in the United States. What were those mistakes?

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    A Plague of Prisons

    There were three elements embedded in the Rockefeller drug laws that transformed a public health issue into mass incarceration and transmitted that contagion to the entire country. These include the decision to criminalize drug use; the political reliance on punishment as the appropriate response; and, the attack on judicial discretion through mandatory minimum sentences.

    Of the three, the criminalization of drug use featuring large-scale arrests of low-level drug users primed the pump that fueled the contagion of self-sustaining criminality.

    There are important differences in the way criminal justice is done between the United States and Canada – some of those differences will insulate Canada from the worst effects of the plague of prisons. But there are a couple of lessons for Canadians too.

    The first is that criminal justice policy is too often made in a consequentialist vacuum – that is, without deliberation over downstream effects on families and particularly children of the incarcerated who will likely be the next generation of the incarcerated.

    The political imperatives that pushed US policy makers into adopting mandatory minimum sentences appealed to the short-term interests of private prison contractors, correctional officer unions, victims’ advocates, judges and prosecutors. Policies enacted for short-term political opportunity have long-term economic and social consequences, a long tail, but these are of little moment compared to the immediate electoral advantage.

    The children of the incarcerated – who are at higher risk of incarceration themselves – have no one to speak for them, at least no one with the clout of correctional officer unions or private prison contractors.

    The second lesson is that it is hard to reverse bad policy ideas once they take hold in the public imagination – even once the fiscal costs become unsustainable and the policy itself is clearly failing. As is now clear, the proliferation of mandatory sentencing regimes across the United States has pushed several jurisdictions – Texas, California, Ohio, Florida and New York – to the brink of insolvency, yet they have not achieved rates of crime reduction greater than those jurisdictions that did not embrace draconian sentencing practices.

    Worse, the sentencing regimes are hard to unwind because they have created a political constituency where prisons have become a source of high-income, non-polluting jobs.

    The third lesson Canadians should heed is that – in seeking to increase the burden of punishment – criminal justice systems engender a self-perpetuating underclass of non-violent but ever more marginalized persons who, because of onerous pardon requirements, may never be reintegrated. They simply cycle through the prison system and transmit the contagion of criminality to their children and family members.

    This is a cautionary tale. Canadians would be wise to be more attentive to Drucker’s warnings on the self-sustaining dynamic that emerges out of deliberately growing the rate of incarceration for electoral advantage.

  • Penser en dehors de la boîte à Mexico

    Penser en dehors de la boîte à Mexico

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    « Dans chaque chose il y a une fissure qui laisse pénétrer la lumière. »

    Leonard Cohen

    C’est ainsi que j’ai entamé ma présentation à l’extraordinaire congrès sur la réforme des politiques sur les drogues de Mexico, organisé par Mexico Unido Contra la Delincuencia (MUCD, le Mexique uni contre le crime), du 12 au 14 février 2012. J’ai fait jouer une chanson du poète canadien le plus connu, Leonard Cohen, dont les paroles disaient entre autres : « Dans chaque chose il y a une fissure qui laisse pénétrer la lumière. » Le Mexique a certainement besoin de lumière. Le long tunnel obscur qu’est leur présente guerre contre les cartels de la drogue continue de semer la mort et le désespoir dans l’actualité de chaque jour.

    Gillian Maxwell, membre du comité exécutif de la Coalition canadienne des politiques sur les drogues (CCPD) et moi-même avons assisté ensemble à cet important dialogue de politiques sur les drogues à Mexico. Le congrès a réuni certains des grands penseurs mondiaux de la réforme des politiques sur les drogues, des ONG du Mexique, des érudits des universités mexicaines et des membres du milieu des affaires de Monterrey à Mexico.

    Les organisateurs étaient déterminés à « sortir des sentiers battus » et à chercher des solutions de rechange à la guerre aux drogues que livre leur gouvernement aux cartels et qui tue littéralement des milliers de personnes dans leur pays.

    Il y a eu plus de 53 000 morts depuis 2006, et certains avancent un chiffre plus près de 60 000.

    Tenu dans le magnifique Museo Nacional de Antropología,le congrès avait un aspect historique. Entouré de milliers d’années d’histoire du Mexique, le problème insoluble avec lequel le pays est aux prises a été mis en perspective par des siècles d’histoire, d’énergie et d’artéfacts du Musée. On peut sentir la frustration provoquée par la violence continue de la guerre aux drogues. Mais le Mexique est à un point où tout peut basculer. Le pays peut être prêt à sortir de sa voie historique et à adopter un rôle de leadership majeur dans l’ouverture d’une nouvelle avancée avec ses alliés d’Amérique latine.

    Les personnes présentes au congrès ont entendu de nombreuses raisons de prendre une nouvelle direction et d’envisager des approches de rechange des politiques sur les drogues au Mexique. Ethan Nadelmann, directeur général de la Drug Policy Alliance des É.-U., a prié les participants mexicains de faire tout ce qu’ils peuvent pour le Mexique et de ne pas attendre que les États-Unis changent leur direction. Il a mentionné la position de leadership historique qu’occupe le Mexique dans la région et la possibilité d’entraîner d’autres pays d’Amérique latine qui remettent en question l’idéologie prépondérante de la guerre aux drogues. D’autres conférenciers américains lui ont fait écho, notamment Jack Cole de Law Enforcement Against Prohibition et l’ancien juge James Gray de Californie.

    À titre de citoyen d’un État frontalier des É.-U., j’ai été forcé d’admettre que les Canadiens ont souvent la même discussion – comment pouvons-nous changer nos politiques sur les drogues indépendamment des Américains? Mais en fait, c’est notre bon sens qui a éclairé la voie afin que les États-Unis abandonnent la prohibition de l’alcool dans les années 1930. Et je crois que nous pouvons faire de même en concevant une stratégie d’abandon de la guerre aux drogues.

    Le Mexique occupe une position morale des plus fortes pour exiger une fin à la guerre aux drogues.

    Il y a un mouvement qui se dessine. Deux semaines avant le congrès de Mexico, le président guatémaltèque, Otto Perez Molina, a demandé à tous les leaders d’Amérique centrale de se pencher sur la décriminalisation des drogues lors d’une prochaine rencontre régionale. Cesar Gaviria, ancien président de la Colombie, a ensuite fait une présentation au congrès et clairement demandé la légalisation des drogues comme nouveau moyen de progresser dans la région.

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    Steve Rolles, de la Transform Drug Policy Foundation a présenté un article sur la stratégie primée de sa fondation, A Blueprint for Regulation, qui est un des arguments les mieux pensés en faveur d’un passage à un régime réglementé légalement pour toutes les drogues psychoactives.

    Nuno Capaz, sociologue à l’Instituto da Droga e da Toxicodepencia du Portugal a expliqué comment le Portugal a décidé de décriminaliser toute possession personnelle de toutes les drogues il y a quelque 10 ans, et comment cela s’est avéré un succès pour ce qui est de la prévention de surdoses, de la prévention du VIH et de l’accès au traitement. En outre, l’usage même de drogues n’a pas augmenté et dans bien des tranches démographiques, il a en fait diminué.

    Le deuxième matin du congrès, Javier Sicilia est entré dans la salle et a été gracieusement accueilli par les organisateurs du congrès. Sicilia, un poète et journaliste qui a perdu son fils dans la violence de la guerre aux drogues dirige un mouvement pour la paix et la dignité au Mexique. Il organise des marches dans les rues et demande à la population mexicaine de se joindre à lui pour protester contre la violence qui est la réalité quotidienne au Mexique aujourd’hui.

    Sicilia assistait au congrès pour apprendre comment les politiques sur les drogues pouvaient répondre à ses questions. Nous nous sommes rencontrés et avons échangé une accolade, et avons tenté de converser par des bribes de la langue de l’un et l’autre et bien des gestes, et avons convenu de nous rencontrer de nouveau pour travailler à un plan de paix. Très sympa!

    Il y avait nombre d’autres conférenciers des Pays-Bas, de l’Australie, des États-Unis, et l’infatigable sénateur Larry Campbell du Canada. L’Office des Nations Unies contre la drogue et le crime a également fait une présentation incroyablement stéréotypée et banale, qu’on ne pourrait qu’intituler « propagande pour le maintien du statu quo » et qui défendait en réalité les initiatives de la guerre aux drogues et de ses dommages collatéraux de 50 000 morts et plus.

    Au terme des trois jours passés au musée de l’anthropologie, les directeurs de MUCD nous ont livré les conclusions du congrès selon leur perspective. Elles coupaient vraiment radicalement avec le statu quo.

    Parmi les huit points principaux, ils ont demandé que le Mexique adopte une approche de santé publique pour les drogues, et ont affirmé que les pays doivent être autorisés à se prévaloir d’une approche souveraine pour régler les problèmes de drogues, dans le meilleur intérêt de leurs citoyens. Ils ont également demandé que le Mexique passe graduellement à un modèle de réglementation et de contrôle des drogues présentement illicites. Vous connaissez? Les Canadiens et les Américains ont la même discussion.

    Le mouvement en vue du changement s’accroît. Si des pays comme le Mexique peuvent commencer à mettre en œuvre leur propre plan maison, alors assurément les Canadiens peuvent trouver un moyen de sortir de la guerre aux drogues. Comme dans le cas de la prohibition de l’alcool, peut-être que les États-Unis ont encore besoin de l’ingénuité et du leadership du Canada pour leur montrer la voie. Soyons donc ces leaders.

  • Le projet de loi C10 : Le travail ne fait que commencer

    Le projet de loi C10 : Le travail ne fait que commencer

    Jeudi dernier, à minuit, le Sénat a approuvé le projet de loi omnibus C-10 des conservateurs, la Loi sur la sécurité des rues et des communautés, avec quelques modifications mineures seulement. Ce fut une journée très triste pour les Canadiens et pour notre sentiment de justice et d’équité pour tous.

    Le projet de loi C-10 n’a jamais vraiment été destiné à être une pièce législative qui représentait une direction mûrement réfléchie ou qui soit apte à renforcer ce qui est, selon toute vraisemblance, l’un des meilleurs systèmes de justice pénale du monde. Non, le projet de loi C-10 a été conçu comme un amalgame rétrograde, punitif, hautement politique et mal pensé d’une loi sur le crime qui fera reculer le pays de manières que nous ne pourrons découvrir que dans dix ou vingt ans. Nous supposons que la loi sera adoptée par la Chambre des communes dans les jours à venir. Ce sera une autre journée de tristesse.

    Mais, au milieu de tout ce délire, des activités remarquables ont eu lieu au cours des derniers mois, car des organisations et des individus ont scruté le projet de loi C-10 au microscope.

    Notamment, une coalition de Canadiens en est venue à prendre part à la discussion et à se prononcer contre cette loi. Ce que nous avons appris de ces personnes le mois dernier durant les audiences du Sénat pour le projet de loi C-10 est profond. Les Canadiens sont sérieusement préoccupés par cette loi et les répercussions qu’elle aura pour nos jeunes, les peuples autochtones, les personnes souffrant de maladie mentale et de toxicomanies, et d’autres populations vulnérables.

    Chef national Shawn A- in-chut Atleo
    de l’Assemblée des Premières nations et l’Assemblée des chefs du Manitoba ont exprimé avec éloquence leur certitude que le projet de loi C-10 va accélérer la surincarcération des Autochtones. Politiciens, chercheurs, prestataires de services, spécialistes de la justice pénale et citoyens ordinaires sont tous venus en nombre croissant se dire inquiets que le Canada s’engage dans une mauvaise voie avec cette loi.

    Et nous avons aussi appris que le monde regarde, incrédule, notre gouvernement nous enfoncer dans cette voie. Les anciens combattants de la guerre aux drogues de Law Enforcement Against Prohibition , dont certains ont même rédigé la loi qui a imposé les peines minimales obligatoires aux É.-U., comme Eric Sterling de la Criminal Justice Policy Foundation de Washington DC, ont pris la parole haut et fort pour mettre en garde les Canadiens de ne pas emprunter la route que les Américains ont prise il y a quelque 30 ans avec ce type de loi pour les infractions liées aux drogues. La Commission mondiale pour la politique des drogues s’est aussi manifestée par une lettre envoyée directement au Sénat, lui demandant de réexaminer la direction que ferait prendre le projet de loi C-10 aux politiques sur les drogues du Canada.

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    La communauté qui se forme autour des enjeux de justice, de politiques sur les drogues, d’équité et du souci d’élaborer des réponses efficaces, fondées sur des données probantes aux problèmes liés aux drogues au pays grandit à un rythme étonnant.

    Nous voulons que cet élan continue, pour nous tous.

    Le travail du Smart Justice Network , de la Société John Howard du Canada et de l’Association canadienne des sociétés Elizabeth Fry , du Réseau juridique canadien VIH/sida , du Réseau canadien de réduction des méfaits , du TRIP! Project, de l’Association canadienne des libertés civiles, et de tant d’autres doit se poursuivre. Ensemble, nous pouvons créer une vision, et des politiques sur les drogues fondées sur des données probantes pour l’avenir.

    Nous avons collaboré avec Leadnow.ca et d’autres pour accélérer ce processus. Comment pouvons-nous garder ce mouvement vivant, en accroître la force et la capacité? Nous aimerions savoir ce que vous en pensez.

    Le projet de loi C-10 a fait s’arrêter et réfléchir des milliers de Canadiens au sujet du choix qu’a fait le gouvernement fédéral de recourir au droit criminel pour traiter des questions de santé, sociales et économiques véritablement complexes au Canada. La Loi sur la sécurité des rues et des communautés ne nous aidera pas à construire des communautés en santé, vivantes et inclusives. Mais nous savons qu’ensemble, nous le pouvons.

    Voulez-vous travailler avec nous? Donnez-nous de vos nouvelles.

  • The Global Commission on Drug Policy salutes Stop the Violence BC and sends a message to the Senate

    The Global Commission on Drug Policy salutes Stop the Violence BC and sends a message to the Senate

    The Global Commission on Drug Policy is comprised of significant world leaders that are calling for change in the way we approach problem drug use and the war on drugs. Today the Global Commission appealed, in an open letter to the Canadian Senate to reject the introduction of mandatory minimum sentences for minor marijuana offenses as proposed in Bill C-10, which is being debated by the Canadian Senate. In addition, the Commission recommends Canadians evaluate possibilities around taxing and regulating cannabis as an alternative strategy to undermine organized crime and improve community health and safety.

    “The Global Commission supports Stop the Violence BC’s suggested approach of regulating marijuana under a public health framework,” said Ilona Szabo, spokesperson for the Secretariat of the Global Commission on Drug Policy.

    “Mandatory minimum sentences and further reinforcement of prohibition are not rational or prudent solutions.”

    Kudos to Stop the Violence BC (STVBC), a coalition of health professionals who have been consistently pointing out the absurdity of criminalizing the production, sale and possession of cannabis in British Columbia.The evidence clearly shows that cannabis prohibition actually increases harms to individuals and communities across Canada. STVBC is calling for a rational process of change that would see cannabis become a regulated and controlled substance and taken out of the unregulated illegal drug market. The Canadian Drug Policy Coalition is a member of the STVBC Coalition and is also calling for the end to the criminalization of people who use drugs.

    Throwing people in jail does nothing to help communities address problematic substance use or help individuals access health services should they need them.

    The winds of change are blowing and public opinion supports this change. Keep in touch with us and check out STVBC.organd see what you can do to work towards a drug policy for Canada that is based on principles of public health and human rights and scientific evidence.

     

  • No crime problem in Canada? We’ll just make one!

    No crime problem in Canada? We’ll just make one!

    Today the Senate Committee looking into Bill C-10 heard from two very different panels.The first represented Corrections Service Canada (CSC) and the Parole Board of Canada. The second had representatives from the John Howard Society of Canada and the Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry Societies.

    Both of these latter organizations work towards reforming the justice system and helping offenders—many of whom are themselves victims. Given such mandates, it was no surprise when Kim Pate, Executive Director of Elizabeth Fry, and Catherine Latimer, Executive Eirector of John Howard, both came out against the bill.

    This opposition met with incomprehension from Senator Lang, who demanded to know how the Canadian Association of Elizabeth Fry Societies could not support this bill given that it included mandatory minimum sentences (MMS) for a variety of sexual crimes. He went so far as to accuse Ms. Pate of not sharing all of the information on the bill with her member societies.

    Ms. Pate had a very interesting and nuanced response: according to her, when it comes to sex offences, MMS can actually dissuade a victim from coming forward. Victims of these crimes are already under immense pressure; often their abusers are in positions of authority, or are the breadwinners in their household. Lengthier prison terms means that an accused who may have pled guilty will instead choose to go to trial, putting more pressure on the victim to recant. Ms. Pate brought up cases of women of colour in the United States advising one another not to report domestic abuse because of the disastrous effects MMS can have on their communities.

    Furthermore, testimony from Jan Looman, Psychologist and Program Director of the high intensity sex offender treatment program at CSC, showed that recidivism among sex offenders is very low. According to his data, “90-95% of sex offences are first time offences, and the vast majority don’t reoffend.”

    Effectively C-10 will mean that more victims will be less likely to come forward, and sex offenders who are already at a very low risk of reoffending will be locked up for longer.

    But, you may ask, shouldn’t they be locked up? That’s where they will receive their treatment, right? Not necessarily.

    Pointed questions from Senators Runciman, Fraser and Cowan to the CSC made it clear that treatment for sex offenders and others requiring psychiatric intervention was imperiled by lack of funding and the CSC’s difficulty in retaining professionals within their ranks.

    Senator Runciman argued that in cases where correctional officers were replaced with healthcare professionals, such as in St. Lawrence Valley Correctional and Treatment Centre in Brockville, Ontario there are excellent results in terms of decreased recidivism and improved prison life in general. However, as Senator Fraser pointed out, in Howard Sapers’ preliminary evaluation of CSC’s new “Integrated Correctional Programming Model,” many programs for specific groups, including Aboriginal offenders, had been removed, resulting in the programs offered being decreased by up to a factor of 3. This “one size fits all” approach at CSC is commensurate with Bill C10’s approach to justice. However, with so many mentally ill people in prison, it is clear that cookie cutter approaches, to both sentencing and programming, will not work.

    As witness after witness points to the high effectiveness of prevention measures, community justice initiatives, andalternative sentencing, one has to wonder why anyone would think that solving Canada’s crime problems should involve putting more people in prison.

    Though, perhaps we actually have an answer looking for a question; C-10’s myopic approach to criminal justice is sure to create more recidivists through lack of programming and over-incarceration. So Stephen Harper will soon get a chance to be tough on crime—the crime that his own legislation will have created.

  • Bill C-10: Making judges the enemies of justice?

    Bill C-10: Making judges the enemies of justice?

    According to some Conservative senators and many victims’ groups appearing at the committee hearings into Bill C-10, Canadians have lost confidence in the judiciary. Mandatory minimum sentences (MMS) are supposed to restore this confidence by forcing judges to hand down stiffer sentences. To this end, Senator Lang stated today that Parliament must provide a “moral compass” not only to offenders, but to the judiciary, regarding sex offences “so that they know that this is a very serious offense.”

    There are two glaring problems with claiming C-10 somehow represents the popular will. The first is that it’s false.

    Citing the Department of Justice’s own report, Graham Stewart, former executive director of the John Howard Society, told the senators that for Canadians, the number one principle of sentencing should be rehabilitation. Furthermore, the same report states that over 75% of Canadians are confident in our criminal justice system.

    This brings us to the second problem; justifying legislation with Bill C-10’s purported popularity. To illustrate this problem, Graham Stewart reminded us of the disastrous effects of another popular policy: Aboriginal residential schools.

    Mr. Stewart characterized residential schools as the worst crime in Canadian history. Senator Frum countered, acknowledging that residential schools were indeed horrific, but that “the government didn’t rape anyone,” and that it will not be the government raping anyone with Bill C-10 either; rather, the government will simply be ensuring that convicted offenders receive jail time.

    The problem with Senator Frum’s view of the matter is that both residential schools and Bill C-10 set up an institutional capacity for the abuse of authority. C-10 will force judges to dole out arbitrary sentences, as well as giving the Correctional Service of Canada more latitude to administer unjust punishments to those in custody.

    With such horrific, long-lasting results, why were residential schools so popular for the Canadian public at the time? They promised to educate the residents and improve their lives. They couldn’t know the intergenerational trauma that would result.

    But in the case of MMS, we do have experience to draw on that should prevent us from committing such a mistake again. As Mr. Stewart submitted to the committee, in 1974 prior to implementing MMS, the US had a prison population of 149 per 100,000 people. In Canada it was 89 per 100,000. The difference was significant then; however, 40 years later that difference is staggering. After implementing MMS, the US prison population jumped over 400% to 730 per 100,000. In Canada 118 people per 100,000 are currently incarcerated, an increase of 33% since 1974 according to Mr. Stewart’s figures.

    The result of MMS in the US is a human rights nightmare, with entire generations of people being consigned to the equivalent of a human garbage bin. In the US, MMS has targeted the most vulnerable in society, with 1 in 9 black men between 20 and 34 incarcerated. Over half of these inmates are in prison on drug charges. Our system is already going in that direction, with a disproportionate amount of Aboriginal people, women, people with mental illness, older people, and people with addictions in prison.

    The point here, made by both Jackson and Stewart, is that the state’s powers to detain people in the service of public safety must be balanced by respect for human rights.

    And while some may not have any concern for the rights of prisoners, respecting their human rights while incarcerated is essential to public safety. There is a chain of causality from increased prison crowding—already an epidemic in Canada, with some provinces at over 200% capacity, that will only be exacerbated by C-10—through to recidivism.

    Furthermore, increasing incarceration rates, regardless of the kind of offence, increases the use of injection drugs and thus the rate of blood-borne disease among prisoners, nearly all of whom will one day be released into the population.

    Beyond MMS, the legislation imperils democracy by undermining human rights in prison. The bill replaces the requirement that corrections officers use “least restrictive measures” to control inmates with “appropriate measures.” According to Professor Jackson, the requirement to use the least restrictive measures in controlling inmates is enshrined in constitutional law through the Oakes case, and was meant to amend the horrific conditions faced by prisoners in Canada in the 1970s, which itself resulted in a wave of prison riots and hostage taking. One can only wonder what decreasing standards for punishments in prison, coupled with an increase in overcrowding, will mean for the prison population.

    We have heard so much evidence put forward by legal experts that nearly every part of Bill C-10 will be the target of a constitutional challenge.

    In much the same way that this bill will create a crime problem in Canada where there was none, the unconstitutionality of these supposedly popular measures will likely result in the Conservative party spinning more rhetoric about judicial activism, thus fabricating the very lack of confidence in the judiciary they are using to justify the bill itself.

    In painting MMS as a panacea to Canada’s crime problem and ignoring the impact of prohibition on the health of Canadian society, the Conservative government has blinkered us to real alternatives and made judges somehow the enemy of justice.

  • Where’s the beef: does the Senate have an aversion to evidence-based policy?

    Where’s the beef: does the Senate have an aversion to evidence-based policy?

    Today’s testimony focused on part 4 of Bill C-10, which would amend the Youth Criminal Justice Act. Specifically, these amendments would allow a judge to lift the publication ban on cases involving defendants as young as 12 years old, introduce dissuasion and deterrence as principals of Canadian youth justice, and make it easier to incarcerate youth convicted of violent crimes.

    The committee heard from a number of lawyers and children’s advocates, including Marvin Bernstein of UNICEF Canada, Mary-Ellen Turpel-Lafond, President, and Sylvie Godin, Vice-President of the Canadian Council of Child and Youth Advocates, and Judge Barry Stuart, former Chief Justice of the Yukon.

    These witnesses unanimously protested nearly all of the proposed amendments to the Youth Criminal Justice Act. They claimed that allowing judges to lift publication bans would have disastrous long-term consequences for young people.

    They also argued that, in the case of young offenders, a violent crime can mean throwing a snowball, throwing water on someone, or threatening a classmate. Bernstein, Turpel-Lafond and Godin also told the committee that, in their opinion, the proposed amendments were in contravention with the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, to which Canada is a signatory.

    Judge Barry Stuart, a pioneer in restorative justice, had particularly severe warnings for the committee, claiming that if they went down this road, and further criminalized young people, that they would never attain the goals of improving victims’ rights and engaging communities in offender rehabilitation. Rather, the “tail-end” of the criminal justice system would suck up all resources that could have far greater impact on justice and public safety if spent elsewhere.

    Many Conservative senators repeated standard responses to the testimony of these witnesses. Rather than asking questions, their cross-examination seemed more an attempt to discredit their testimony. This behaviour has seemed most often on display when the committee is hearing from academic experts and legal professionals, whereas it changes to a more conciliatory tone in the presence of law enforcement officials.

    In response to the very real problems outlined in regards to Bill C-10, Senator Wallace once again repeated his favourite line: “But when Ministers Toews and Nicholson appeared before this committee, they assured us that the bill will only target violent, repeat offenders, organized criminals, and child abusers.”

    Senator Wallace seems to believe that simply repeating this mantra will make it true, despite the mountains of evidence given by representatives of children’s advocacy groups, the Canadian Bar Association, the Assembly of First Nations, as well as independent academics and many others. Unfortunately, the CDPC was not permitted to add its voice to this overwhelming chorus.

    The comportment of these Conservative Senators—Boisvenu, Lang, Frum, Dagenais, and Wallace—seems to indicate that they don’t understand the fundamental purpose of their own position: to give a sober second thought to proposed legislation one step removed from the dictates of electoral politics. Indeed, during hearings today Senator Lang went so far as to claim that “one might argue the nuances or the details, but it’s the spirit of the law that matters.” Perhaps no one told Senator Lang that the nuances and the details of the law are precisely what a senate committee is meant to discuss.

    Perhaps this disdain for evidence is what prompted Judge Barry Stuart’s remark that the Senate, “probably spends more time weighing evidence on which military aircraft to purchase than on weighing evidence on what is best for our youth.”

  • Bill C10: Weighing emotions & evidence in sexual offenses

    Bill C10: Weighing emotions & evidence in sexual offenses

    Over sixteen witnesses appeared before the Senate Committee during another marathon session of testimony on Bill C-10. Today’s session dealt primarily with the fight against child abuse and the spread of child pornography. Witnesses represented advocacy groups, victims of sexual abuse, and experts on sexual offenders.

    Many witnesses put forth a position that mandatory minimum sentences provide adequate deterrence for sexual predators and give more leverage to police during questioning. Senators Runciman and Lang voiced their opinion that Canadian judges give sentences to convicted predators that are too low and that judges across the country gave “inconsistent sentences” . The witnesses who were victims of sexual abuse were unanimous in their feelings that they had not received justice and that their perpetrators deserved harsher sentences.

    Yet incarceration was not the only topic that the committee discussed. Senator Jaffer and Paul Gillespie, a former policeman now with Kids Internet Safety Alliance, noted that incarceration should be one step in a comprehensive strategy to fight abuse.

    All witnesses agreed that funding for prevention strategies and treatment services needed to be increased.

    Senator Fraser read a submission by a Rupert Ross, a former crown prosecutor, who found conditional sentences a very useful tool in encouraging offenders to cooperate and possibly report other abusers. He implored the committee not to legislate mandatory minimums, as he feared it would cause less cooperation and more acquittals. This directly contradicted earlier testimony from Mr. Gillespie, who stated that Crown Prosecutors are demanding mandatory minimums to help them push for tougher sentences.

    Dr. Ellerby from the Association for Treatment of Sexual Abusers added further dimensions to the debate. Ellerby voiced opposition to the notion that abusers cannot be cured and stated that treatments have proven to work in rehabilitating offenders. He went on to argue that a range of approaches can be successfully used in fighting sexual abuse including community monitoring and engagement.

    With many offenders victims of abuse themselves, having an incarceration only approach for sexual abusers is fraught with contradictions.

    A number of witnesses referenced the need for a comprehensive strategy incorporating prevention, incarceration, mental health treatment and rehabilitation. Yet government-side questioning and discussion of the Bill continued on the assumption that tougher sentences were the only strategy to deal with sexual abusers, with little research to prove this.

    Dr. Ellerby flatly stated that if the goal is the reduction of crime and recidivism mandatory minimums will not succeed.This statement seemed to fall on deaf ears.

    Despite evidence that seemed to downplay the requests of many victims of sexual abuse for tough sentences, the unanimity of their request cannot be ignored. There is real debate to be had here, one that will involve weighing emotions and evidence to create a comprehensive sexual abuse strategy for both victims and offenders. All witnesses seemed very willing to have this discussion. But with the growing combative attitude between the federal government and voices that oppose it, it’s unlikely that Ottawa will be sanctioning such a discussion anytime soon.

  • Bill C10: Implications for Aboriginal Communities

    Bill C10: Implications for Aboriginal Communities

    During a 7-hour long meeting today, the Senate Committee heard from 13 individuals speaking to various aspects of Bill C-10. While most of the witnesses addressed the Bill’s immigration-related aspects, the Assembly of First Nations (AFN) National Chief Shawn A-in-chut Atleo and AFN senior strategist,Roger Jones talked about the negative impact the Omnibus Bill will have on Aboriginal Peoples.

    Atleo spoke via video conference from his community on the west coast of the Vancouver Island. He made it clear that the AFN is very concerned about the direction Bill C-10 is headed in and that this legislation will not make Aboriginal communities safer. Unfortunately his testimony was cut short due to technical problems, so Jones fielded the Senators’ questions.

    Jones told the Committee that the AFN searched high and low for elements within Bill C-10 that would improve the situation for Aboriginal Peoples – and couldn’t find anything.

    He said the Omnibus Bill will compound the existing over-representation of Aboriginal people in the criminal justice system, such as through Mandatory Minimum Sentences (MMS) for drug offences and the removal of judicial discretion with regard to such things as the Gladue principles.

    References to the Gladue decision were frequent throughout AFN panel discussion. Gladue principles, based on a 1999 Supreme Court interpretation of Section 718.2 of the Criminal Code, provide that reasonable alternatives to imprisonment should be sought and particular attention should be given to the circumstances of Aboriginal offenders.

    Senator Mobina Jaffer suggested that the Senate could recommend an exemption clause in Bill C-10 so as to preserve Gladue principles.

    Senator Fraser questioned how often these principles are applied. (Not often enough, Jones replied.) Senator Lang challenged Jones as to why MMS for such reprehensible crimes as child sexual exploitation should have exceptions for Aboriginal offenders. Jones replied that nature of the crime should never negate the need to look at the offender’s circumstances.

    In contrast to the AFN’s detailed concerns with the Omnibus Bill, University of British Colombia Law Professor, Benjamin Perrin, noted his strong support of “all” aspects of the bill, suggesting it balances criminal law by enhancing the accountability of offenders and increasing the rights of victims.

    He argued that more people charged with cultivating marijuana should be imprisoned and that 89% of marijuana production comes from organized crime groups and the majority of what is produced is destined for the United States, fueling serious border problems. This argument relies on the assumptions of supply suppression and drug probation which have actually made drugs more available and cheaper, and have undermined the public health system.

    Indeed, all criminal justice legislation relies on certain assumptions – such as incarceration as a tool of deterrence and segregation as punishment – but as the AFN repeatedly pointed out today, these assumptions and their outcomes have resulted in a sustained failure to address the systemic roots of crime or how the justice system continues to fail First Nations Peoples.