Category: Harm Reduction

  • Why Canada is no longer a leader in global drug policy

    Why Canada is no longer a leader in global drug policy

    Co-authored with Jenna Valleriani, director of Canadian Students for Sensible Drug Policy.

    This op-ed first appeared in the Globe and Mail, Feb. 27, 2015

    Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s statement about the failures of our existing drug policy is mostly on point. It’s just the last bit he gets wrong: “I think what everyone believes and agrees with, and to be frank myself, is that the current approach is not working, but it is not clear what we should do.”

    He’s wrong, because we know what we should do: Supervised injection sites; prescription heroin; medical cannabis dispensaries; crack pipe distribution; drug testing kits; Naloxone for reversing opioid overdose.

    We know these innovative health services reduce the harms of drugs and save lives, and we all agree “the current approach is not working.” And yet, access to these important innovations is unequal across Canada because of a lack of leadership at the federal level, and a failure to collaborate across all jurisdictions – local, provincial, national and international.

    We don’t need to look far to start. Vancouver is known internationally for its innovation in drug policy reform – it houses North America’s first supervised injection site and prescription heroin program, and has recently seen a proliferation of medical cannabis dispensaries. The city’s drug policy is based on an evidence-based four pillar approach: harm reduction, prevention, treatment and enforcement. This approach has been adopted around the world, but also here in Canada, officially forming the basis for the Toronto’s drug strategy.

    Unfortunately, the federal government is out of step with international dialogue and doesn’t believe in the four pillars – it dropped harm reduction in 2007 when it changed the National Drug Strategy to the National Anti-Drug Strategy. While countries like Portugal have moved towards decriminalization and a more health-focussed approach, Canada has instead pursued a more punitive, conventional “war on drugs” approach – epitomized by the introduction of mandatory minimum sentencing for low level drug offenses. Recently Health Canada spent $7-million of our precious tax dollars on a fear-based anti-cannabis ad blitz that the country’s top physician groups suggested was politically motivated.

    The lack of vision at the top means that in a country known internationally for its innovation in harm reduction, many of our best public health interventions only exist in isolated local cases. This is not entirely unexpected. The story of drug policy reform is often one of grassroots change lead by users, local authorities, politicians, drug policy experts, service workers, and organizations. In Europe, for example, cannabis social clubs are driving much of the pressure for cannabis reform. Harm reduction services in countries like Germany, Switzerland, and the Netherlands started as trials in innovative cities before being scaled up nationally.

    In Canada, this bottom-up drive for change is exemplified by the current explosion of medical cannabis dispensaries in Vancouver. Dispensaries have always operated outside the federal access program, in a type of quasi-legal status, or as an act of ‘civil disobedience.’ But the city’s recent explosion of these storefronts has underscored the disconnect between local and national. Although the federal government projects a $1-billion free market medical cannabis industry in the future, currently it’s a notoriously slow, selective, bureaucratic process with little approvals and many rejections.

    The result is a void that “unofficial” dispensaries have been happy to fill. One Vancouver city councillor recently pegged the number of dispensaries at 61. Because of shifting of cultural norms around the acceptance of cannabis – polling shows that Canadian attitudes on cannabis are well ahead of the laws – the city and the police aren’t entirely sure what to do. But they are on record saying they will not bother dispensaries that follow best practice dispensing.

    This is fine for Vancouver, but we need a comprehensive national drug policy, so that essential healthcare innovations like medical cannabis – and prescription heroin, harm reduction kits, and product testing – are available consistently, throughout the country.

    Instead, Canada heads backwards, no longer an international drug policy leader, and our reputation on the international stage suffers for it. Innovation at the municipal level is essential, but it needs to be backed by federal support. Canada needs to stop criminalizing people and instead address the health needs of Canadians. The current approach is not working.

  • Drugs in Canadian prisons: has enforcement worked?

    Drugs in Canadian prisons: has enforcement worked?

    This is the first in a three-part series highlighting the critical need to consider policy and program reform in Canadian federal prisons.

    In recent years, the Correctional Service of Canada (CSC) has stepped up efforts to keep drugs out of prisons. Nonetheless, the emphasis on in-prison drug detection and enforcement is linked to numerous problems.

    For some people, a prison sentence is indeed a valuable opportunity to “get clean” from drugs. However, the idea that prison offers a safe and abstinent setting for everyone rests on flawed assumptions about reduced supply and demand for drugs in prison. In my research, I found that despite substantial funding and increased prison-based enforcement, the goal of “drug-free prisons” is still far out of reach in Canada.

    In 2007, CSC launched a Transformation Agenda that includes as one of its five priority areas “eliminating drugs from prison.” The following year, the federal prison system received an investment of $120 million over five years to augment its anti-drug strategy. The funding was to enhance tools to detect, disrupt, and deter drug use inside prisons such as random urine testing, security intelligence officers, drug-detector dogs, and ion scanners. It’s a big, expensive toolkit – and yet there is no clear evidence that these tools have proven effective.

    Depending on who you ask, you’ll get different opinions about drug enforcement and its impact inside prisons. Some highly informed observers – such as former correctional officers and people who work for community-based agencies that provide support to prisoners – say that not only have enhanced enforcement efforts failed to keep drugs out of prison, they may in fact be making matters worse. Problems related to enforcement include people switching the substances they use (e.g., cannabis to opiates) to avoid detection, increased risk behaviours (e.g., needle hiding and sharing), heightened tensions and violence related to the drug trade, and fewer visitors.

    The consequences can be immediate or extend well beyond the prison sentence. For instance, when prisoners who inject drugs share needles, they are at risk of getting HIV and hepatitis C. When relatives, friends, and volunteers feel stigmatised and distressed due to invasive security procedures or are denied access based on potentially inaccurate information, they visit less or not at all. This weakens relationships that are vital to successful reintegration upon release.

    These problems tend to be reinterpreted or even dismissed by CSC. Instead, CSC points to the increases in drug seizures and fewer positive urine tests and refusals as indicators that enforcement is working. Visitors turning away at prison gates is offered as evidence that entrance procedures are effectively deterring people who are carrying drugs. In short, these issues remain contentious. But it’s important to emphasize that CSC – and other prison agencies, generally – tends to lay blame for drug-related problems on prisoners and visitors, without acknowledging the impact of their zero-tolerance policy and enforcement.

    This narrow focus that overlooks competing information and perspectives makes it difficult to reform current policy and practices. A few years ago, the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security brought together a variety of knowledgeable stakeholders and experts, including CSC officials, to investigate the “alarming problem” of drugs and alcohol in federal prisons. Witnesses voiced “very different positions on the policy and the measures taken by CSC,” with some testifying that the enforcement response has not eliminated drugs in prisons and plays a role in jeopardizing the health and safety of prisoners, prison staff, and communities. Despite this, the final report recommended continued investment in enforcement enhancements and upheld the “commitment to establish drug-free prisons.” In other words, it didn’t stray from the Transformation Agenda. Canadians should read such reports with a critical eye and ask what has actually been transformed.

    CSC manages a large population within prison walls in communities across Canada. While we advocate for drug policy reform outside of prisons, we must not forget about policy and programs that affect the many federally sentenced men and women (including disproportionate numbers of Indigenous people) who use drugs. Well-designed and comprehensive evaluations of drug enforcement efforts inside our prisons are long, long overdue. And given the persistence of drug use in Canadian prisons, realistic assessment of appropriate harm reduction programs, such as safer drug use education and syringe distribution, should also be a priority.

  • Keeping music festival-goers safe through harm reduction

    Keeping music festival-goers safe through harm reduction

    [vc_row][vc_column width=”1/1″][vc_column_text]With the onset of winter, I’ve been reminiscing about the summer. Like many young Canadians, I spent the summer adventuring around my province, hiking, camping and enjoying the extra freedom the warm weather offers. This summer I was also lucky enough to attend a number of music festivals. I love festivals. Spending a weekend away, great music, camping with your friends, dancing until the wee hours under starry skies… there’s something magical and ethereal about the festival community that draws in so many attendees every year.

    And yet, these festivals have a darker underbelly. “Party drugs” like ecstasy, ketamine and cocaine are common at music festivals, and their uncontrolled use can lead to serious consequences. This summer alone in Canada, almost 80 people were admitted to hospital after incidents with drugs at festivals. Two of these people died. They were only 20 and 22, respectively. Sadly, this is not an uncommon theme. Every year, kids go to festivals and every year kids die at festivals. The Canadian Centre on Substance Abuse reports that the largest number of ecstasy users are between the ages of 15-24. These are not dangerous criminals. Annie Trong-Le, 20, who died this summer of a recreational drug overdose, was a political science student at York and a regular volunteer in her community. These are normal kids from normal families. So what’s going on?

    The popularity of music festivals is on the rise. Shambhala, an electronic music festival near Salmo, British Columbia capped its attendance at 10,000, which represents a tenfold increase since its 1998 inception. The Squamish Valley music festival drew in nearly 100,000 guests this year. The Basscoast music festival, formerly held in Squamish, scaled up two years ago, capping attendance and moving to Merritt, BC.

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    This rise is, at least in part, due to the dramatic increase in popularity of Electronic Dance Music (or EDM) in the past several years. According to the International Music Summer Consumer report in 2012, $6.4 billion EDM industry is the fastest growing music genre in the US, with similar growth in Canada. Festivals that used to attract large rock acts are now drawing huge DJs like Skrillex and Deadmau5.

    Synonymous with the EDM scene is MDMA, aka “molly” or ecstasy. MDMA is everywhere in popular culture. In Miley Cyrus’ hit song “We Can’t Stop”, she sings “la-di-da-da-d/We like to party/Dancing with molly/Doin’ whatever we want”. Madonna made waves this year, titling her new album the cheeky “MDNA”, and asking concert-goers at the Ultra music festival “Has anyone seen molly?” Having attended 3 festivals myself this summer, increased MDMA use was impossible to ignore. Festival dance floors that used to be littered with beer cups are now full of young people in neon taking pills. With the surge in EDM popularity, rave culture has come back in a big way, and despite a lack of data collection, my sense is that MDMA and recreational party drug use is on the rise.

    The problem with this, ironically, is not that kids are taking MDMA, but rather that they are NOT taking MDMA. In it’s pure, non-contaminated form, MDMA increases release of the neurotransmitter serotonin in your brain leading to a feeling of ecstasy, trust and connectedness and, though hotly contested, evidence suggest that the effects of pure MDMA are unlikely to lead to death (and actually, some labs are even looking at the potential to use MDMA for therapeutic use). The problem is that MDMA, usually purchased as capsules or pressed tabs, is often laced with dangerous substances like speed, cocaine, or other MDMA derivatives, like the dangerous PMMA. These substances, especially when ingested unknowingly, can lead to heart attacks, hyperthermia, seizures and many other symptoms. Most lethal cases of party drug use are actually a result of users unknowingly ingesting dangerous unknown substances.

    Most users of party drugs have no way of knowing what they’re taking. Even after many successful uses, a single dose of contaminated drugs can lead to unexpected and sudden death. Maintaining a staunch “anti-drug” approach is not preventing kids from taking drugs. And simply accepting that deaths are a consequence of festival culture is not suitable. We need better options to keep users safe – otherwise things are only going to get worse.

    Some groups have already started taking control. At the Shambhala festival, AIDS Network Kootenay Outreach and Support Society (ANKORS) sets up a booth to provide free drug testing for unidentified substances (And it’s working — see below for their stats). The Trip Project, out of Toronto, and Dance Safe, out of San Francisco, do advocacy education and drug testing for EDM festival-goers to try and increase drug knowledge and safety. Many festivals have “sanctuary” spaces, where drug users feeling overwhelmed or uneasy can relax in a non-judgmental space, staffed by emergency medical professionals. Many festivals, though clearly stating that they don’t promote drug use, are clear about where to find help if something goes wrong. Harm reduction is bubbling up all around the edges of the party scene.

    Small steps towards better harm reduction could make a big change. Improved access to testing kits at festivals and parties needs to become a norm. The University of Alberta is already developing quick drug testing kits, aimed for use by law enforcement to keep an eye on street drug makeup. Better drug testing could help weed out crooked dealers that lace their product, keeping users safer. Similarly, improved education about drug use in the home and school between youth and trusted adults can help kids make safer choices.

    The truth is that the party scene is changing. Kids are dying. It’s time to start thinking about how we can keep them safer.[/vc_column_text][vc_row_inner][vc_column_inner width=”1/1″][divider line_type=”Small Line” custom_height=”.25em”][/vc_column_inner][/vc_row_inner][/vc_column][/vc_row][vc_row][vc_column width=”1/1″][vc_column_text]ANKORS compiles statistics every year outlining the results of their drug testing efforts at Shambhala Music Festival. The following are the stats from the 2013 festival:

     

    Total tests done 2,254
    Number of drugs disposed of after the test 155 (6.8%)
    MDMA capsules that tested positive for MDMA 1,302
    MDMA capsules that tested negative for MDMA 339
    Failure rate of MDMA capsules 21%
    Ketamine samples that tested positive for ketamine 158
    Ketamine samples that tested negative for ketamine 63
    Failure rate of ketamine samples 29%
    Mystery substances 91
    PMMA 77

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  • Drug Policy Abuse: a condition affecting politicians across Canada

    Drug Policy Abuse: a condition affecting politicians across Canada

    A new, debilitating psychiatric condition has been identified today by the Canadian Drug Policy Coalition. Sadly this condition – dubbed “Drug Policy Abuse” – affects a great many politicians across the country.

    You’ve undoubtedly seen the symptoms. Politicians who resist change and disregard data. Who insist on being “tough” and sending a punitive message. Who refuse to discuss alternative approaches to conventional, decades-old drug policy, despite all the evidence of adverse physical, psychological and social consequences stemming from the current approach to drugs.

    These are the signs of Drug Policy Abuse. And CDPC has developed a campaign to draw attention to this crippling condition.

    Check it out the campaign here.

    The good news is, treatment is available for those who are diagnosed and acknowledge that they have a problem. All it takes is an open mind and the recognition that good policymaking – no matter what the subject matter – requires frank and open dialogue informed by evidence. Like the fact that harm reduction and regulatory interventions improve life expectancy and increase the likelihood that problematic users will seek treatment. And that drug use doesn’t go up in jurisdictions that have decriminalized or legalized drugs.

    Fortunately, we do have some bright lights of various political stripes willing to have the conversation. Federal parliamentarians who favour cannabis legalization include not only Liberal leader Justin Trudeau, but also Conservative MP Scott Reid and NDP Deputy Leader Libby Davies. The NDP’s official cannabis policy for 40 years – reaffirmed by current party leader Thomas Mulcair– is decriminalization. Elizabeth May’s Green Party would legalize marijuana and launch a public consultation on the decriminalization of all illicit drugs. Similarly, Liberal Prince Edward Island MP Wayne Easter defends the need for safe injection sites and favours bringing illicit drugs under a regulatory framework given that  “The current drug laws are not working.”

    At the provincial level, Wildrose Pary leader Danielle Smith in Alberta is in favour of decriminalization of cannabis. In British Columbia, Health Minister Terry Lake points to the success of Vancouver’s Insite supervised injection site in preventing transmission of HIV and other blood borne infections, reducing overdose risks, and connecting drug users to services. And former Attorney Generals Kash Heed and Geoff Plant speak out about the need to regulate cannabis in BC and Canada.

    Municipally, former Vancouver mayor Larry Campbell ran on a platform of implementing supervised injection sites, and city councilors in Toronto have lobbied for such a site in their city. Eight BC mayors including Vancouver’s Gregor Robertson, have called for the legal regulation of cannabis in Canada, as has Thunder Bay mayor – and former police officer – Keith Hobbs. Councillors and mayors at the 2012 Union of BC municipalities convention passed a resolution calling for the appropriate levels of government to “decriminalize marijuana, and research the regulation and taxation of marijuana.”

    Outside of Canada, European politicians are actively supporting harm reduction efforts and Latin American leaders are demanding alternatives to criminalization and the punitive approaches to drugs over the past 40 years. Uruguay plans to legalize cannabis use for adults. Closer to home, two US states – Colorado and Washington – have done the same, thanks to ballot initiatives that passed thanks in part to key endorsements from public officials. More states will surely follow.

    The point is, politicians don’t need to suffer from Drug Policy Abuse. There are jurisdictions exploring alternative approaches to the war on drugs. The conversation is happening.  Unfortunately, though, many politicians in Canada are scared of the conversation and have difficulty considering alternative approaches.

    So for those who cling to outmoded models, it’s time to “Have the Talk”. Go to our campaign site to sign the pledge that you’ll reach out to your elected representatives if they have Drug Policy Abuse problem. The campaign site includes tools to tweet national party leaders as part of a larger conversation to address this nationwide affliction.

    Check out the campaign, watch the videos and spread the word.

  • Canada is ignoring easy, ways to prevent overdose deaths…

    Canada is ignoring easy, ways to prevent overdose deaths…

    This article first appeared as an op-ed in the National Post, October 22, 2014

    A particularly potent batch of heroin recently resulted in 31 overdoses at Vancouver’s Insite safe injection clinic. The facility proved its value yet again, as staff applied immediate treatment and ensured none of the victims died. But what about those who can’t access Insite? In 2013, 308 people died in British Columbia due to illicit drug overdoses, the majority of which were opioid-related.

    Canada-wide, we can only speculate about the total numbers because there is no national database tracking overdose deaths. But the numbers we do have, from a patchwork of provincial data and news reports, tell us that far too many Canadians are dying from an entirely preventable phenomenon. And not preventable in the sense of “well, if people didn’t use drugs, there wouldn’t be overdoses.” While that’s essentially true, we know people will use drugs. One hundred years of prohibition hasn’t stopped that.

    No, these deaths are preventable thanks to easy-to-implement, non-controversial policy changes at our disposal.

    The most pragmatic and immediately effective remedy would be to improve access to naloxone, a 40-year old medication that, when administered during an opioid overdose, reverses the effects of the drug. It has no narcotic effect and people cannot become dependent on it.

    Currently, naloxone is used predominantly by ambulance and medical staff — like those at Insite — but we could save countless more lives if it were available to those most likely to be with someone experiencing an overdose. Eighty-five percent overdoses occur in the presence of others, often in the home. For this reason, naloxone should be included in provincial drug plans and made available over the counter.

    In addition, we should scale up existing “take-away naloxone programs” to increase the distribution of overdose response kits among people trained to prevent, recognize and respond to overdoses. Streetworks in Edmonton pioneered this programming in Canada, and similar initiatives have spread throughout the country. The most robust program — Take-Home Naloxone (THN) — was established at the B.C. Centre for Disease Control in 2012. THN operates in 51 sites, from large urban hubs like Vancouver and Surrey, to smaller rural centres such as Cranbrook, Campbell River and Fort St. John. More than 2,200 people have been trained, including staff and volunteers at health and social service agencies, as well as friends and family members of people who use drugs. THN has dispensed more than 1,200 kits, and 125 overdoses have been reversed.

    Clearly naloxone is a life-saver, but reducing barriers to its access and providing training are just part of a comprehensive overdose response. We also need to immediately implement appropriate guidelines for opioid prescriptions, improve national data collection on overdose events, and reduce barriers to calling 911 during a drug overdose. Again, most overdoses occur in the presence of other people. Though witnesses to heart attacks rarely hesitate to call 911, witnesses to an overdose often lose precious minutes wavering over whether to call for help — if they make the call at all. They may fear arrest, the loss of custody of children, or judgment from friends and family.

    This would be resolved by the passage of Canadian 911 Good Samaritan legislation — so called because it provides protection from arrest and prosecution for drug possession if the evidence is obtained as a result of the person calling 911. In the last four years, 11 U.S. states have passed some form of this legislation, often with bipartisan and near-unanimous support.

    Such legislation recognizes that accidental drug overdose is a health issue that doesn’t merit attention from the criminal justice system. Indeed, public health imperatives should drive all policy relating to overdose response.

    While much of the responsibility for this issue rests at the local and provincial level, ultimately the federal government plays an important leadership role in setting the overall tone and guiding any national strategy. At the 2012 annual meetings of the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs, delegates passed a resolution recommending that member states include effective elements for the prevention and treatment of overdose in national drug policies, including the use of naloxone. Although the Canadian delegation supported this resolution, and despite the simplicity of implementing such programs and policies, to date the government has not acted on this matter. It’s time for that to change.

  • Taking Control: Pathways to Drug Policies that Work

    Taking Control: Pathways to Drug Policies that Work

    Today, the Global Commission on Drug Policy releases Taking Control: Pathways to Drug Policies that Work. The report calls on governments to rethink global drug policy, to take some immediate measures to address drug problems, and not to shy away from the transformative potential of responsible regulation as a longer term solution.

    The recommendations come at a time when more and more governments are recognizing the conventional “war on drugs” approach is a failure, and that new approaches are necessary. As part of this recognition, the UN General Assembly has called for a Special Session (UNGASS) in 2016 to discuss solutions to the global drug problem. At UNGASS and other diplomatic gatherings, this report encourages UN delegates to recall the mandate of the United Nations, not least to ensure security, human rights and development.

    Members of the Commission include, former Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, former Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo, former Colombian President César Gaviria, former Swiss President Ruth Dreifuss, Richard Branson and others. As part of the release, the Commissioners are meeting with UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon and UN Deputy Secretary General Jan Eliasson to present the recommendations in the report.

    Their recommendations are as follows:

    • Putting health and community safety first requires a fundamental reorientation of policy priorities and resources, from failed punitive enforcement to proven health and social interventions.
    • Ensure equitable access to essential medicines, in particular opiate- based medications for pain.
    • Stop criminalizing people for drug use and possession – and stop imposing “compulsory treatment” on people whose only offense is drug use or possession.
    • Rely on alternatives to incarceration for non-violent, low-level participants in illicit drug markets such as farmers, couriers and others involved in the production, transport and sale of illicit drugs.
    • Focus on reducing the power of criminal organizations as well as the violence and insecurity that result from their competition with both one another and the state.
    • Allow and encourage diverse experiments in legally regulating markets in currently illicit drugs, beginning with but not limited to cannabis, coca leaf and certain novel psychoactive substances.
    • Take advantage of the opportunity presented by the upcoming UNGASS in 2016 to reform the global drug policy regime.

    You can view the entire report here.

  • Preventing music-festival drug deaths must go beyond saying ‘just say no’

    Preventing music-festival drug deaths must go beyond saying ‘just say no’

    This article first appeared as an op-ed in the National Post, August 20, 2014

    It’s summertime, so we can count on this unfortunate fact: Young Canadians will die or become seriously ill because of drug use at music festivals. Earlier this month, three deaths and dozens of cases of illness were attributed to drugs at the VELD festival in Ontario and Boonstock in BC. And the resurgence of large-scale, camp-out music events — especially EDM (electronic dance music) festivals — means these incidents will only become more common.

    The conventional response to these tragedies is predictable and ineffective. We tend to blame the individuals for making bad choices and trumpet the “just say no to drugs” mantra.

    But there’s a better way. For starters, we need to acknowledge that drug use is not going away. Which isn’t to say we should condone it or encourage it. However, it’s naïve to think that we can eliminate drug use at music festivals, or anywhere, for that matter.

    So let’s make it safer. The world is full of instructive solutions to the problems we face: Canadian youth are not unique in supplementing their partying with psychoactive substances. In the Netherlands, Switzerland, Portugal, Colombia, Spain and Austria, authorities have developed “safer parties” strategies to help concert-goers determine if the pills they are about to ingest are as advertised.

    In Austria, for example, ChEckiT project workers attend large music events and offer professional drug testing for purity and accurate labelling, which provides results within 30 minutes. It’s part of an integrated drug-checking service that includes information, individual counselling, crisis intervention, group discussions, telephone hotlines, and educational videos on drug-related themes. Colombian NGO Accion Tecnica Social has initiated a similar program in that country.

    Other countries provide continuously available street-level testing facilities. One example is the Dutch Ministry of Health’s Drug Information Monitoring System (DIMS), which began in 1988 with testing ecstasy at raves. Today, people can drop off their substances for analysis at a DIMS office, and then check on the internet a couple of days later for results. This system also gives authorities a real-time assessment of drug market trends, enabling general warnings to the community at large when warranted. Here in Canada, only police seizures and hospital visits give us that data, at which point it’s usually too late.

    None of these programs serve to endorse drug use. But they do send clear messages to young people that society actually cares about their wellbeing. Their fate doesn’t need to be conceded to the vagaries of an unregulated, potentially unsafe black market.

    Unfortunately, we don’t send these messages in Canada. Beyond broad platitudes about education and awareness, the concrete measures taken are primarily reactive rather than preventative. Public officials and police will wring their hands, warn people not to take drugs and perhaps step up attempts to go after the dealers. Event promoters will increase screening at the gate, bring in more emergency responders, and establish “chill-out tents” for those who need a break.

    All of which is perfectly worthwhile and laudable, but in the meantime, young people will die because no one in authority is willing to consider product safety as a potential solution to music festival deaths.

    Product testing isn’t complicated. It wouldn’t require any major legislation overhaul, and public-health workers could partner with existing grassroots organizations active in the space to carry it out. For example, the Toronto Raver Information Project (TRIP) already provides info and supplies around safer drug use for the perpetual cohort of partyers for whom simply “saying no” is not a realistic goal. ANKORS does similar work — including some rudimentary product testing — at B.C.’s Shambhala festival. Outside of the events themselves, police could more regularly disclose Health Canada results of the contents of substances seized at raves. Currently, they only do so in exceptional circumstances when it suits their purposes.

    Whatever the test results, however, we know from constant warnings of police and others that no drug is made safer when left in the hands of organized criminals and unregulated dealers. So as part of a product-safety regimen, we should also open a discussion about alternatives to across-the-board prohibition, like experimenting with a legal regulated market for party drugs — as New Zealand has done.

    Product testing and drug policy experimentation isn’t the same as creating a free-for-all where all drugs are available in any corner store for whoever wants them. Nor would it minimize the importance of health information and drug education and awareness programs — similar to how we approach tobacco and our favourite party drug, alcohol.

    It is simply the recognition that we have the power and knowledge to prevent unnecessary deaths at music festivals and anywhere else drugs are taken. What is holding us back?

  • Harm Reduction Comes of Age in Canada, or Does It?

    Harm Reduction Comes of Age in Canada, or Does It?

    This post first appeared in the Centre for Addictions Research of BC’s blog Matters of Substance.

    The Supreme Court of Canada’s September 2011 decision allowing Vancouver’s supervised injection site, Insite, to keep operating was a critical milestone for harm reduction in Canada.

    One only has to look at the list of interveners in the case in support of this innovative service to see that it has become a valued and mainstream service in Canada. Canadian health organizations including the Canadian Medical Association, Canadian Nurses Association, Canadian Public Health Association and 11 others saw fit to come before the court to support Insite. But even with this high level of support, scaling up harm-reduction services in Canada remains a challenge.

    Harm reduction gained traction as a result of the HIV/AIDS crisis in the early 1980s and played a critical role as a strategy to engage injection-drug users in HIV prevention. Harm reduction’s more recent challenges have elevated the critique of policy-related harms – harm caused by policies that criminalize people who use illegal drugs.

    Harm reduction acknowledges that there are significant risks associated with illegal drugs and also attempts to work towards mitigating harms within the criminalized environment where drug use occurs. This often puts the public-health goals of engaging people who use drugs in conflict with traditional public-safety strategies that rely on disruption of illegal drug markets, and in turn disruption of the lives of people who use illegal substances.  Harm-reduction approaches balance these realities and focus on creating safer environments as much as possible within a context of criminalization. Some examples include promoting supervision of consumption or discouraging using drugs while alone, promoting rapid response strategies in the form of peer-delivered naloxone programs and strategies that work towards achieving a kind of détente between health efforts and enforcement practices. Given the context of criminalization, a key goal of harm reduction is to maximize the benefits of public-health interventions and minimize the harm of drug use and the enforcement of drug policy.

    So what should Canada be doing to facilitate the development of a more robust harm reduction approach as a part of a comprehensive response to drug use? We urge governments to begin with a review of current drug policies to determine the benefits and harms to individuals and communities that accrue from the criminalization of drugs and the people who use them.

    Other countries have done such an analysis and have decided to eliminate criminalization as a response to possession of drugs for personal use in an effort to maximize the benefit of a public-health approach to drug problems. Portugal (2001) and the Czech Republic (2009), are two examples of jurisdictions that have taken this step. Both have decriminalized all drugs that are deemed to be for personal use. Portugal decriminalized drugs as part of a response to an HIV epidemic and high rates of drug overdose. The Czech Republic did the same as a result of an extensive evaluation of the previous policy of criminalization. Evaluation of the experience in Portugal has shown that results have been positive overall – HIV incidence and overdose deaths have been reduced, police are supportive of the new law as it has given them more meaningful and helpful involvement in steering individuals towards health services, more people are accessing treatment and other health services which were improved as a part of the decriminalization policy. Additionally no negative trends have been seen in terms of increased harms attributed to this policy change.

    Achieving a policy shift as significant as decriminalization will take some time. In the meantime, the Canadian Drug Policy Report, Getting to Tomorrow, outlines some possibilities for improving the development of harm reduction in Canada in the short term:

    • Acknowledge that harm reduction is much more than supply distribution and is an essential component of a comprehensive public health response to problematic substance use that offers client-centred strategies with health engagement at their core.
    • Acknowledge that harm reduction values the human rights of people who use drugs and affirms that they are the primary agents of change for reducing the harms of their drug use.
    • Provincial governments can commit to articulating harm reduction strategies across mental health, addictions and infectious disease policy frameworks.
    • Where harm reduction language is present within policy frameworks ensure implementation at the community level.
    • Support innovation at all levels. An ethic of experimentation will help create an environment where new ideas and novel approaches can be developed and explored.
    • Provide leadership to bring health and policing agencies together to get “on the same page” with regard to harm reduction. Opposition by some in the policing community is unfortunate and an unnecessary barrier to scaling up harm reduction programs.

    Developing a robust and equitable harm-reduction approach for Canadians will necessitate new thinking about old strategies — thinking that exposes the harms that flow directly from our current policy frameworks and will open the door to new ideas and approaches that are emerging around the world.

  • The Road to 2016 – Drug Policy Consensus Shattered

    The Road to 2016 – Drug Policy Consensus Shattered

    There’s a Crack in Everything – That’s How the Light Gets In (with thanks to Leonard Cohen)

    I couldn’t help it. Sometimes my mind would wander while attending the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) meeting in Vienna – the annual drug policy palooza where UN member states gather to shore up the failed prohibitionist policies of the past. Even an unanticipated Russell Brand appearance could do only so much to enliven the sessions.

    In those mind-wandering moments, I found myself humming Leonard Cohen’s famous song “Anthem,” especially the beautiful line: “There’s a crack in everything, that’s how the light gets in.”

    I suppose my mind wasn’t so much wandering, as it was synthesizing the stark disconnect between the evidence presented at the outset of the meeting – in fact, the science at the heart of the enterprise – and the actual decisions arrived at by CND delegates.

    There is unquestionably a crack in the consensus in these global discussions, a crack that may well end up being a chasm as wide as the Grand Canyon by the time the UN Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS) takes place in 2016 in New York.

    Decriminalization

    As for the light, that came in part from the two stellar UN-appointed scientific panels that reported out at the beginning of the meeting. Michel Kazatchkine, UN Envoy to Eastern Europe and Asia on HIV, and Nora Volkow, Director of the US National Institute on Drug Abuse, chaired panels that delivered strong statements on the need for problematic drug use to be dealt with as a public health issue not a criminal issue. Kazatchkine’s group noted: “Criminalization of drug use, restrictive drug policies and aggressive law enforcement practices are key drivers of HIV and Hepatitis C epidemics.” Volkow’s group added: “We consider that criminal sanctions are not beneficial in addressing substance use disorders and discourage their use.”

    The divide between the above statements and the content of the negotiations at the CND was vast – the overwhelming majority of delegates clung to the status quo and refused to even consider language on decriminalization. Clearly we’ve made very little progress since Portugal (2001) and the Czech Republic (2009) decriminalized all drugs for personal use, on their own without fanfare or bringing it up at the CND.

    Harm Reduction

    In a somewhat Orwellian turn of language control, a number of countries including Canada demanded the words ‘harm’ and ‘reduction’ not appear side by side, but they could endorse “measures aimed at minimizing the negative public health and social impacts of drug abuse that are outlined in the WHO, UNODC, UNAIDS Technical Guide.”

    Harm reduction, in other words.

    These programs are the most cost effective way to engage people who use drugs and often the only bridge to more mainstream public health services. The scientific panel offered clear statements on the benefits and cost-effectiveness: “Harm reduction interventions are good value for money, with average costs per HIV infection averted ranging from $100 to $1,000.”

    Apparently scientists can use the words, but not the members of the CND.

    Death Penalty

    Switzerland, with support from others, pushed hard at the meeting for the Joint Ministerial Statement to clearly state the death penalty was not an appropriate response to drug offenses of any kind. In the end they failed, being blocked by countries like Iran, China and a number of other Middle Eastern and Asian countries. Canada’s silence on this discussion was deafening.

    The Swiss allowed the “consensus” document to go forward but not without delivering the following statement at the end of the meeting:

    “The death penalty is in opposition to our position with regard to all offences. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights says that it should only be applied for very serious crimes and therefore very rarely. The human rights committee says we should very much limit the use of the death penalty. The International Narcotics Control Board (INCB) said that its application was never in the spirit of the (drug) conventions. The INCB encourages countries to consider its abolition. In this background, the silence of the Joint Ministerial Statement (JMS) on the death penalty is regrettable. It does not take into account our position and that of other (UN) bodies. We will continue to promote the abolition of the death penalty. We ask that our agreement with the JMS is on this understanding – capital punishment is not in line with our commitment to combat the world drug problem. International cooperation on drug law enforcement is contingent to respect for all human rights – as well as the right to life.”

    2016 UN General Assembly Special Session on Drugs (UNGASS)

    If there’s one thing that we learned while attending the CND it’s that any meaningful consensus on new approaches to addressing drug problems globally will be near impossible to attain when the biggest international drug policy meeting in 20 years – UNGASS 2016 – takes place in two years at the UN General Assembly in New York.

    This meeting was called in response to the pleas from the presidents of Mexico, Colombia and Guatemala a little over a year ago, calling on the UN to facilitate real dialogue on alternative approaches to the global drug problems.

    UNGASS is huge because it will undoubtedly precipitate a new approach to drug policy – either through the development of a more progressive global consensus, or, more likely, because it will shatter the distorted idea that a global consensus is possible.

    Either way, countries should be free to chart their own appropriate path forward to address drug problems, grounded in the public health and human rights imperatives enshrined in various UN conventions, without the shackles of the misguided and restrictive drug control treaties.

    “Ring the bells that still can ring
    Forget your perfect offering
    There is a crack in everything
    That’s how the light gets in.”
    – Leonard Cohen, Anthem